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2.5 Power dynamics from local to national levels: shaping Iraq’s
political landscape
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Giving voice to the Iraqi people: Policies to reflect public aspirations
In the context of Iraq’s multifaceted challenges and rising public disillusionment, it is vital
that national and international policies curb the spread of extremists’ influence and at last
make a real contribution to winning the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. Formulating
policies consonant with the needs and ambitions of the Iraqi people would contribute
significantly to the country’s unity, stability and prosperity. In turn, this will foster
confidence and a closer partnership with members of the international community.
With the support of the international community, Iraqis should take the lead in their
country’s decision and peace-making processes. Giving voice to the Iraqi people and
allowing them to have greater stake in decisions and actions directly affecting their lives
and their country’s future is an integral component of a functioning and stable democratic
state.
“We cannot win this war on terrorism. We can’t lose it either – this is at heart a battle of ideas,
a battle for political power to be held by Iraqis. We can help lower the violence to a level where
Iraqi politicians and Iraqi citizens will be able to make decisions for themselves, but we can’t
win it for them. No military officer would tell you we could, but we won’t lose this battle.”
Richard Armitage, Interview in Middle East Policy, Fall 2005 |
Formerly a highly centralised state with limited representation or accountability at the local
level, the Iraqi government is now faced with an immense challenge: to develop a bottomup
approach, empower provincial bodies and be responsive to their needs and aspirations.
Holding free, countrywide elections is central to building grassroots democracy and
providing the foundations for national unity and stability. Iraqi provincial elections will be
held on 1 October 2008, while national parliamentary elections are expected to be held in
late 2009 or early 2010. In preparation for the parliamentary elections, in May 2008, the
Iraqi cabinet issued instructions to the planning ministry to make the census account for
the Iraqi people before September 2009, in time for the parliamentary elections. The last
census held in Iraq was in 1997, but it did not include the Kurdistan region or Iraqis living
abroad.
The empowerment of Iraq’s civil society is central to building local capacities and
developing a representative, functioning state. Civil society organisations are a well-suited
means of promoting grassroots participation and represent a platform for Iraqis to express
their concerns and influence decisions and activities. Notably, Iraq has a growing civil
society with more than 2,500 registered NGOs. In addition, over 250 newspapers and
magazines have been launched since 2003. Certainly, these efforts need to be further
supported by the political leadership of Iraq as well as the international community.A strong civil society, social and gender quality, and a free and vibrant press are all vital
instruments in promoting security and stability in Iraq.
“You can have operational successes, but what sustains those is progress on the political front.
It is reconciliation; the coming together of various parties and sectarian groupings in Iraq. What
happened in Anbar was political: the military action capitalised on a political sea-change, where
the tribes changed from being on the fence or tacit support for al-Qaeda to active opposition.
That is an enormous political change. That enabled military operations to have the support of
the population."
General David Petraeus, 20 June 2007 |
Power devolution: Local and factional involvement in Iraq’s political processes
Structural reforms seeking to devolve power to the local communities in a fair manner will
not only ensure that the Iraqis can participate in the decision-making process but also help
to improve the overall social and political situation, and promote national unity. The
Provincial Powers Law is widely perceived as a key component of the efforts promoting
power devolution. The law manages to outline the practical mechanisms of local
government, providing a blueprint for a more accountable political system and affording
local areas with greater protection from arbitrary central rule. Furthermore, it allows the
governor and provincial councillors control over local security and public service provision
and permits them to pass local laws, provided they do not oppose national legislation. It
is, however, argued that in some respects the Act represents a retreat from the substantial
political decentralisation outlined in the 2005 National Constitution, as it allows the
national government to dismiss provincial governors and senior officials, and places the
budget under central control.
The law has been welcomed by the US administration as an important step towards national
reconciliation and a more balanced government. It is hoped that local elections to be held
later in the year will dampen political violence among Iraq’s Sunni Arabs who, following
their boycott of the last provincial elections, have been severely under-represented even in
those provinces where they enjoy a majority, such as the Ninevah province.55 By facilitating
local involvement in Iraq’s political processes, it is anticipated that the law is likely to
weaken popular support for the partition of the country into separate regions.56 The law was
approved by the Council of Representatives through a number of compromises between
political groups, many of whom favoured greater political autonomy.
Notably, two other pieces of legislation were being negotiated and passed at the same
time. The 2008 budget secured the acquiescence of the Kurdish alliance in return for the
allocation of 17 percent of national expenditure to the Kurdistan budget. Meanwhile, the
Amnesty Law satisfied one of the most important Sunni political demands - the release of
Iraqi prisoners, an estimated 80 percent of whom are Sunni.
The amnesty, which excludes those convicted for a variety of crimes, including terrorism,
murder, rape and drug trafficking, has also been welcomed by the Sadrists, who claim to
have been victimised by national security forces. Still, the fragility of the consensus
regarding the Provincial Powers Law has become all too apparent as this was passed with a
majority of only one vote, which was provided by the Parliamentary speaker. The Islamic
Supreme Council of Iraq, which favours decentralisation objected to 21 of its provisions
including the supremacy of federal over local law, the central government’s control of the
budget and its right to dismiss provincial governors and officials. The law was
subsequently blocked by the ISCI representative and the veto was lifted only after the party
was promised the opportunity to renegotiate its terms at a later stage.
The forthcoming provincial elections are expected to reconfigure the balance of power in
Iraq - the Sadrists and the Awakening Council are predicted to make substantial gains at
the expense of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq and established Sunni parties.
However, while the current terms of the Provincial Act will strengthen the centralist
ambitions of the Sadrists, it is argued that the local Awakening Councils will find their
demands for autonomy constrained. Despite hopes that it will reconcile the country’s
different groups, there are also fears that the forthcoming elections may provoke an
increase in intra-sectarian violence, especially between the rival Shia factions of the Mahdi
Army and the ISCI.
“On the political track, aiming for a legitimate, democratic Iraqi government was essential, but
the United States was far too slow in mobilising Iraqi political
development among the Iraqis is hampered by the lack not only of security but also of a stable
infrastructure program that can reliably deliver gas, electricity and jobs."
Wesley Clark, 26 August 2005 |